Chapter 775: The Plight of Small Nations |
The autumn air was crisp and refreshing, marking another bountiful harvest year.
Franz had been in a great mood lately. With Russia and Austria reaching an agreement, the Near East War was finally settled.
As for the Greeks, it would only be a matter of days before they accepted reality. If it weren’t for the trouble stirred up by domestic nationalists, King Ludwig would have already compromised.
Ambition must be supported by strength. Ordinary people might not understand this, but the ruling class had to remain clear-headed.
As a monarch from a small nation, King Ludwig naturally understood what it took for a small country to survive.
The House of Wittelsbach had managed to make a comeback in the Kingdom of Lombardy after losing the Bavarian throne but it was not merely because of family connections.
If they had not recognized the shifting tides and promptly surrendered to Austria when defeat was inevitable, then no matter how considerate Franz might be, he would never have arranged a favorable place for them.
…
In Athens, the atmosphere inside the Greek royal palace was heavy with tension. In recent days, King Ludwig I had been constantly troubled, forcing the palace attendants to tread carefully around him.
The concept of a “Greater Greece” was an enormous pit, one that would surely lead to the country’s destruction, yet Greek nationalists saw it as their ultimate goal and were eager to put it into action.
According to the vision of “Greater Greece,” the Greek territory would include Constantinople, expanding to roughly five or six times its current size.
To achieve this goal, the prerequisite would be to “punch Austria and kick Russia.”
Frankly speaking, such a grand strategy was not something an ordinary person could come up with, at the very least, King Ludwig I would never dare entertain such thoughts.
With the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Greek nationalism was once again surging. One demand after another flooded in, as if the government could claim whatever it wanted, without any consideration of whether Greece had the strength to seize these spoils.
Ever since rumors spread that the government intended to abandon its claims to the Anatolian Peninsula, nationalists had launched massive protests and demonstrations.
Even within the royal palace, King Ludwig I could hear the voices of the Greek people. But no matter how loud their cries were, they still needed the capability to turn their demands into reality.
King Ludwig I asked, “Are the crowds outside still refusing to leave?”
Prime Minister Kariósos replied, “Yes, Your Majesty. The government has already sent people to explain the situation, but unfortunately, they failed to convince them.
These people have gone mad, completely losing the ability to think rationally. I can’t even imagine what kind of chaos will erupt once the treaty is officially signed.”
A mere rumor had already triggered massive protests. If the news became reality, the consequences would be disastrous.
King Ludwig I shook his head and said, “These people are merely pawns pushed forward by those bastards. I refuse to believe that they do not understand the consequences of their actions.
If they truly anger the Austrians, wiping out Greece would not benefit them either. Just look at the protest routes. It is obvious that the organizers are deliberately avoiding the embassy district.
Do they really think this will force us to compromise? Or do they believe they can use nationalism to drive out a king they find bothersome?”
Nationalism was just one aspect of the problem. The bigger conflict stemmed from Ludwig I’s push for industrialization, which severely harmed the interests of the established elites.
Greece was a small country. It lacked both a sufficient market for goods and domestic sources of raw materials. To complete the primitive accumulation of capital, it had no choice but to intensify internal exploitation.
Against this backdrop, Ludwig I’s push for industrialization naturally made him unpopular.
Prime Minister Kariósos suggested, “Your Majesty, you do not have to be so rigid. Sometimes, taking a step back can open up new possibilities. Slowing down the industrialization process would not necessarily be a bad thing.”
As a prime minister born and raised in Greece, Kariósos had deep feelings for his country.
Holding a high position, he understood that industrialization was the best path forward, and the faster, the better. Delaying it would only make things even more difficult in the future.
However, what seemed ideal in theory was not always practical in reality.
To oppose reform, the conservatives unleashed an even more extreme wave of nationalism. They were attempting to force the government to back down.
The madness of capital was beyond imagination, and ordinary people suffered even more. Losing public support, King Ludwig I’s reforms quickly reached a deadlock.
After weighing the pros and cons, Ludwig I sighed helplessly and said, “Enough. Since no one wants reform, why should I insist on being the villain?
Cancel all industrial plans. Let them have their way. Lift the ban on cotton exports and follow the old ways…”
There was no other choice. Reality was frustrating. The benefits of industrialization lay in the future, while the profits from cotton exports were immediate.
Despite the many cotton-producing regions around the world, the international market was still struggling to meet demand. Almost every cotton-exporting country was making huge profits.
To push forward Greece’s industrialization, Ludwig I had recently issued an order banning cotton exports, which became the spark that ignited the growing tensions.
…
On October 13, 1883, Greece officially renounced its territorial claims over the Anatolian Peninsula, and the four nations of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition reached an agreement on the postwar distribution of benefits.
According to the terms: the Greek government would receive one first-class battleship (an ironclad with a displacement of 8,000 to 10,000 tons) and one second-class battleship (an ironclad with a displacement of 5,000 to 7,000 tons) as compensation.
And that was it.
Despite Greece contributing far more troops than Montenegro, its battlefield performance had been unimpressive.
Had it not been for its role in maintaining postwar security, Greece might have been given nothing more than a single battleship as compensation.
As for the heavy casualties, unfortunately, high losses were Greece’s own problem and could not be considered a contribution.
Of course, the Austrian government still showed some consideration. It promised to sell Greece two battleships and five destroyers at half price, with the offer valid for two years.
Not only Greece and Montenegro received warships as compensation, but even Russia was no exception.
According to the treaty, in addition to the financial compensation, the Austrian government was required to deliver three first-class battleships, two second-class battleships, and four destroyers to the Russian government over the next five years.
Since these ships were gifts from Austria, there was little room for complaints. Details like specifications were conveniently left out. If they wanted better ships, they would have to pay extra.
Deep down, King Ludwig I had no interest in these warships. If given a choice, he would have preferred cash compensation.
Unfortunately, the Austrian government refused. The deal was simple: Greece would get two ships as compensation. If they did not accept, it would be considered a forfeiture of the compensation.
Putting down the treaty, Ludwig I asked with concern, “What about the Greek citizens in the former Ottoman Empire? Have the Austrians given any response?”
Foreign Minister Nikolaos replied bitterly, “The Austrian government has outsourced the entire resettlement of Ottoman civilians to the Russians, including the Greeks.
This means we need to negotiate with Russia. I already spoke with the Russian representatives in Constantinople, but the outcome was discouraging.
The Russians told us to take our people away ourselves. Otherwise, once they finish relocating the other ethnic groups, the Greeks will simply be moved along with the rest.”
There was no point in hoping for resettlement funds. Once money entered the Russian government’s coffers, there was no chance of it ever coming back out.
If the Greek government was willing to take its people, it would actually save the Russians a considerable expense. Otherwise, the Russian government would not have left the Greeks for last.
King Ludwig I hesitated. Without any compensation, resettling hundreds of thousands of people was beyond the Greek government’s capabilities.
At this time, Greece’s total population had just surpassed one million. Where was the government supposed to create hundreds of thousands of jobs?
Prime Minister Kariósos flatly rejected the idea. “We absolutely cannot hand our compatriots over to the Russians. Given the Russian government’s methods, it is uncertain whether even half of them would survive the journey.
It would be best to convince the Austrian government to allow these people to stay in the Anatolian Peninsula. If that is not possible, we should at least try to arrange for them to be sent to Austria’s overseas colonies.”
This was the reputation the Russian government had built for itself. Compared to freezing in Siberia, even the most remote overseas colonies seemed preferable.
At least Austria had extensive experience with resettlement, and the mortality rate for its migrants during sea voyages was kept below one percent.
Compared to the Russian method of forced marches, traveling by ship was far more comfortable.
There was simply no other choice. The Russian railways had yet to extend that far, and the Russian government was unwilling to allocate enough livestock for transportation.
Aside from setting up a few essential supply points along the way, the only thing the Russian authorities provided was military escorts to ensure the migrants’ “safety.”
Walking on foot was one thing, but these migrants were also required to carry a week’s worth of food for themselves.
Much of the Russian Empire was vast and uninhabited. Whether there were even people between two supply stations was often uncertain, so there was no hope of receiving additional provisions along the way.
If a migrant did not bring enough supplies and encountered trouble mid-journey, their survival would depend entirely on the integrity of the escorting officials.
Foreign Minister Nikolaos shook his head. “We have already tried negotiating with the Austrians. Their suggestion is to divide the migrants.
We should take in a portion ourselves, arrange for some to be resettled in the Kingdom of Armenia, and find ways to get various American countries to accept part of the migrant population.
For humanitarian reasons, the Austrians have agreed to take in some of the elderly, women, and children but not the hardliners.
They suggested that those who remained fiercely loyal to the Ottoman Empire should be handed over to the Russians for ‘re-education,’ as the Russian government is far more experienced in such matters.”
The Ottoman Empire had always been a multi-ethnic state, and not all of its people were enemies. In fact, aside from the most deeply resentful factions, Austria was still willing to accept certain minority groups.
However, they were only willing to take in the elderly, women, and children. The young and able-bodied, who were typically in high demand, were of little interest to them.
King Ludwig I nodded. “If it is only a matter of abandoning some hardliners, that is acceptable. It’s just a pity…”
He trailed off. Some things were better left unsaid.
The Greek government’s involvement in resettling the migrants was not purely an act of compassion. More than anything, it was an effort to concentrate Greek populations within the former Ottoman territories and expand their influence.
But such motives were obvious to all. The Austrian government would not tolerate the creation of independent political factions within their domain that might later become a source of trouble.
***
https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)