Options
Bookmark

Chapter 774: Treaty of Four Nations

In Constantinople, a meeting was underway at the Coalition Command to divide the spoils of war. Since the Anti-Ottoman Coalition consisted of four nations, all four had to be present for the distribution.

The Austrian government was careful about appearances in this matter. No matter what, Greece and Montenegro were also among the victorious nations, so they deserved their share of the spoils.

As the de facto leader of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, Austria’s Foreign Minister Wessenberg was the first to speak.

“Through our joint efforts, we have finally won this Near East War. Now that the war is over, it is time to distribute the spoils. In principle, the allocation will be based on each country’s contribution to the war effort.

If anyone has specific requests, you may bring them up now. We will prioritize those that can be accommodated.”

The phrase “prioritize those that can be accommodated” rather than “prioritize fulfilling them” set the tone for the meeting. Wessenberg’s meaning was clear—excessive demands would not be entertained, as they would not be approved.

The Russian Governor of Constantinople, Vtoriak, smiled and said, “The Black Sea Straits are the gateway to the Russian Empire. We hope to obtain Ottoman territories along the coast of the Sea of Marmara.”

Selling land was one thing, but fighting for spoils was another. As long as the negotiations in Saint Petersburg remained unresolved, any territorial agreements between Russia and Austria regarding the Anatolian Peninsula could not be finalized.

Compared to the tense Greek and Montenegrin representatives, Vtoriak was far more at ease.

As a high-ranking official of the Russian Empire, he was well aware of how determined the Russian government was to rid itself of this burden.

The negotiations were still at an impasse, but that was merely a tactic to maximize benefits. A deal was almost inevitable. Otherwise, the negotiator wouldn’t have been someone of Vtoriak’s rank as governor.

Following him, Greek Foreign Minister Nikolaos spoke next. “We hope to obtain Izmir to resettle Greeks from within Ottoman territory.”

The Austrian government’s migration plan was selective. Those with backing were not on the priority list for relocation. Only after it was certain that their patrons had abandoned them would they be deported in large numbers.

Although Greece was weak, it was still a member of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition. For now, the surviving Greeks within Ottoman territory were not subject to forced migration.

Even though Nikolaos had tried to be restrained in his request, Wessenberg was still stunned by Greece’s bold demand.

Izmir was far from an insignificant backwater. After the loss of Constantinople, it had become the most prosperous port of the Ottoman Empire and the largest city in the country.

Located on the western coast of the Ottoman Empire, it was the most valuable region on the Anatolian Peninsula. Even before the war, the capital, Ankara, had never been as prosperous as Izmir.

As an experienced diplomat, Wessenberg had seen all kinds of negotiations. His displeasure was fleeting, and he quickly masked it with a smile as he turned his attention to the Montenegrin representative.

Montenegro’s Foreign Minister, Stanko Radonjić, remained expressionless as he said, “We have no territorial demands. We only seek economic compensation.”

No territorial demands? No, that was absolutely untrue!

The problem was that Montenegro was too weak to manage an isolated enclave. What they really wanted was adjacent territory but the issue was that those areas were Austrian homeland. Who would dare bring that up?

Coveting a great power’s core territory? That was not a joke to be taken lightly. Even revealing the slightest intention could invite disaster and the annihilation of their nation.

Wessenberg nodded in satisfaction. “I understand everyone’s requests. Aside from Baron Stanko Radonjić’s, which I can immediately confirm, the rest will require further discussion.

During this war, everyone has seized a significant amount of wealth, which, in principle, belongs to each nation individually.

Since the Principality of Montenegro has waived its territorial claims, Austria will allocate a portion of the military’s captured spoils as compensation. Additionally, we will give your country a first-rate battleship currently in active service.”

Stanko Radonjić was already satisfied with this outcome. The strategic resources for this war had all been provided by Austria, while Montenegro had only suffered the loss of two battalions. The actual number of Montenegrin soldiers who died in battle was barely over a hundred.

A first-rate battleship was no small gift. Montenegro had none, and while Radonjić didn’t know the exact construction cost, Austria’s foreign sale price was a hefty 1.15 million guilders.

This was the age of naval power, and every nation dreamed of having a strong navy. Montenegro had fought the Ottoman Empire for over a century just for a coastal outlet.

Unfortunately, government revenues were limited, and the naval budget was meager. Their fleet consisted of only a few sailing warships to maintain appearances.

With this acquisition, Stanko Radonjić would have something substantial to report upon his return home. As for the additional spoils of war Austria had promised, he no longer had any expectations.

Anything that could be liquidated had already been dealt with and what remained were unsellable goods that were practically worthless.

After a brief moment of thought, Stanko Radonjić replied, “No problem, we are very satisfied with this compensation.”

A war of words was unnecessary. Diplomatic negotiations could sometimes be complicated, but other times, they could be quite simple.

Lengthy haggling was only required when both parties had similar strength, the ability to bargain, and vastly different expectations.

Now, however, Austria’s offer had already exceeded Montenegro’s expectations, so there was no need for further negotiations.

Just as the talks were moving into the next stage, the voice of a guard sounded from outside the door: “Your Excellency, an urgent telegram from Saint Petersburg!”

“Bring it in!” Governor Vtoriak ordered.

Receiving the telegram, Vtoriak showed no intention of keeping it private. He opened it and read it on the spot. “Gentlemen, I believe this negotiation can now come to an end.”

With that, Vtoriak handed the telegram directly to Wessenberg.

The title at the top read: “Agreement Between Russia and Austria on the Disposition of Ottoman Empire Territories.”

With both Russia and Austria having signed the treaty, the Russian government had already sold off its postwar interests. Continuing negotiations would be pointless.

As for the Greeks, Vtoriak simply ignored them.

After all, Russia had secured its own benefits. If the Greeks wanted a share of Anatolia, they would have to negotiate with the Austrians since this was no longer Russia’s concern.

After quickly skimming through the document, Wessenberg slowly said, “Indeed, there’s nothing more to discuss. Since the treaty has already been signed, we will simply proceed according to its terms.”

Wessenberg did not believe the Russians would fabricate a false telegram. Since the treaty did not require renegotiation, attempting to deceive him would only bring unnecessary trouble with no real gain.

The terms of the treaty was as followed:

One: The Russian Empire renounces all territorial claims to the Ottoman Empire and supports Austria’s annexation of Ottoman lands. In return, the Austrian government will compensate the Russian government with 68 million guilders in cash;

Two: The Russian Empire commits to resettling the Ottoman population, and the Austrian government will provide 125 million guilders for the resettlement. (The resettled population must be placed at least 1,000 kilometers away from Austrian territory;

Three: The Austrian government pledges that Austria’s navy will not establish ports in the Black Sea, and that any Austrian warship over 2,000 tons must first obtain Russian approval before entering the Black Sea;

Four: Russia and Austria will jointly combat…

After the treaty was circulated, Nikolaos found himself in an awkward position. He had originally hoped that a dispute between Russia and Austria would arise, creating an opportunity for Greece to step in and reap the benefits.

Reality, however, proved him wrong. The Russians and Austrians had settled everything behind closed doors without even considering Greek involvement.

Excluding war expenses, Austria alone had to pay Russia 193 million guilders in compensation. Factoring in the total cost of the war, the Austrian government would have to spend at least 400 million guilders in total.

With Austria paying such a hefty price, what right did Greece have to claim a share of Anatolia?

Perhaps realizing this, Wessenberg added, “Sir Nikolaos, given your country’s contributions to this war, I suggest that Greece receive compensation based on the same standards as Montenegro.

As for Izmir, to avoid unnecessary conflicts in the future, I believe it would be best for you to abandon that claim.”

Hearing this “suggestion,” Nikolaos broke out in a cold sweat. This was no negotiation. It was a direct notification of the final decision.

The atmosphere instantly became tense. Nikolaos didn’t even know how to respond.

Reject Wessenberg’s ‘suggestion’?

That was out of the question. Even if Austria were to hand Izmir over to Greece, Nikolaos wouldn’t dare accept it now. If conflict broke out later, he would be the one held responsible.

However, if he agrees to the proposal, Nikolaos will not be satisfied. He has not even attempted to negotiate for a better deal. How is he supposed to explain his shortcomings when he returns home?

Seeing that the negotiations were about to reach an impasse, Governor Vtoriak, acting as host, stepped in to smooth things over. He said, “Gentlemen, let us put aside the Izmir issue for now. The Ottoman Empire is already extinct, and we need to issue a public announcement to warn those meddlesome individuals who are causing trouble behind the scenes.”

On this matter, all four members of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition shared the same stance. They harbored no goodwill toward the British, who were secretly stirring up mischief.

Austrian Foreign Minister Wessenberg agreed, “Governor, your suggestion is very constructive. We should indeed warn those meddlesome individuals so that they know their place and refrain from continuing their despicable antics.”

With both of the major powers in agreement, neither Nikolaos nor Stanko Radonjić had any objection.

Issuing a warning and threat to the British was an idea that excited the imagination. It was something all European nations desired to do but did not dare to. If it were not for the banner of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, with Russia and Austria taking the lead and bearing the burden, none of them would have dared to get involved openly.

Soon, a sternly worded announcement was drafted. Representatives from Russia, Austria, Montenegro, and Greece jointly signed it, and the title was simply “The Covenant of the Four Nations of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition.”

From this day forward, the wicked Ottoman Empire is hereby declared extinct.

In the interest of world peace and stability, the Anti-Ottoman Coalition will continue to combat the remnants of the Ottoman Empire throughout the world.

Any act of harboring or protecting remnants of the Ottoman Empire will be regarded as a challenge to the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, and if such actions are discovered, the Coalition will take extraordinary measures, including the use of military force.

***

https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)

  • We do not translate / edit.
  • Content is for informational purposes only.
  • Problems with the site & chapters? Write a report.