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Chapter 1191: Taking a Side

Cobentzel turned to glance at the young diplomat, his tone clearly displeased. "Do you realize what you are suggesting?"

Metternich motioned for him to stay calm and continued, "If we accept Lord Hawkesbury's plan, Russia will gain all Polish territory west of the Bug River, as well as the parts of the Balkan Peninsula excluding Thrace and Macedonia. They might even march into Constantinople."

Count Stadion's brow furrowed deeply. "Good heavens, that would be an utter catastrophe."

"Precisely." A subtle, cunning smile played on Metternich's lips. "And it won't just be us. Britain, the Ottoman Empire, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and even France will realize the magnitude of this 'Orthodox Menace.'

"When that time comes, we won't even need to propose it. They will take the initiative to ask us to help drive the Russians out—most likely led by the British, as they excel at such maneuvers.

"The Russians cannot possibly withstand a siege from so many nations. Meanwhile, we can use the war as an opportunity to formally establish a personal union with Serbia."

Cobentzel couldn't help but stop in his tracks, looking at Metternich with genuine surprise.

He had to admit, the young man's logic was sound.

Once France was defeated, a Russia controlling most of the Balkans would become the primary threat to all of Europe.

As the nation closest to the Balkans, Austria would inevitably become the backbone of any anti-Russian alliance. This would not only allow them to bring Serbia into a personal union but also expand their influence within the German states.

Metternich continued, "Furthermore, before that happens, we will secure all of Lesser Poland, including Tarnow. The silver mines of Tarnowskie Góry will provide us with substantial military funding."

According to the British proposal, Russia, Austria, and Prussia would each deploy over 80,000 troops to launch a simultaneous offensive on Poland from the east, south, and west. They expected to crush Poland within a single month.

Afterward, Austria would gain southwestern Poland, including Krakow—a region containing the silver mines they had long coveted.

Prussia would receive the port of Gdańsk and the Polish territories west of the Vistula River.

Metternich bowed slightly to the Minister of State, smiling. "One could say we are using the Russian army to help us reclaim Italy. His Imperial Majesty will surely approve of this plan."

...

Half a month later.

In front of the gates of the Winter Palace, Alexander I watched as the carriages of the British, Prussian, and Austrian diplomats receded into the distance. He signaled to Sergey Vyazmitinov, his Minister of War. "Begin mobilizing the army. General Suvorov will take command. Launch the offensive toward Minsk before the end of May. Oh, and strengthen the defenses along the Dnieper River."

The latter hesitated, offering a reminder, "Your Majesty, according to the plan we just finalized, the coalition forces are supposed to strike simultaneously in early May..."

Alexander I gave a soft snort. "Find an excuse to delay for a while. Let Prussia and Austria draw the main Polish forces to the western front first. We suffered heavy losses in the last war against Poland while they sat back and reaped the benefits. This time, it is their turn to do the heavy lifting."

Vyazmitinov said hesitantly, "Your Majesty, this might weaken our leverage when it comes to distributing the spoils of war."

Generally, the party whose army contributed more would claim the lion's share of the plunder.

Alexander I turned to enter the palace, a smirk tugging at the corners of his mouth. "We will get the land we agreed upon.

"Right now, Britain, Prussia, and Austria are at a critical juncture where they need to woo us into the European theater. They won't dare offend us over such a small matter."

The Foreign Minister, Count Vorontsov, who was walking alongside him, immediately grasped the Tsar's implication. He asked quickly, "Your Majesty, do you mean we shall join the anti-French coalition?"

Alexander I waved a hand dismissively. "No, we aren't joining anyone."

"Then what you just said..."

"We currently hold the most advantageous position," Alexander explained. "We can use marriage prospects to align with France, or we can use the cooperation in the Polish campaign to join the anti-French coalition.

"Now is not the time to place our bets.

"Once the victor on the European battlefield becomes clear, we will join whichever side is going to win.

"In the meantime, we can use this period to push forward internal reforms. Only through enlightened rule can the empire truly become powerful."

As he spoke, he looked toward Radishchev, the Minister of Justice. "How is the draft for the administrative reform coming along?"

"It is largely complete, Your Majesty. I can submit it to you today."

Following Alexander I's instructions, Radishchev had essentially modeled Russia's new governmental framework after the administrative systems of Britain and France.

Alexander I had been influenced by the liberal ideas of La Harpe since childhood and was committed to implementing liberal reforms in Russia.

In just the few months since he had taken power, he had already issued the Decree on Land Rights, the Decree on Free Peasants, and established the Ministry of National Education.

The next steps were administrative and judicial reforms.

What he failed to realize was that all his reforms were, consciously or unconsciously, mimicking the French model.

...

Poland.

Warsaw.

In the square before the Tin-Roofed Palace, the French envoy, Baron Nospan, was tirelessly whispering important details to Prince Charles for his upcoming meeting:

"...Because of Poland's policies suppressing Eastern Orthodoxy over the years, the Ruthenians in the east are increasingly inclined to secede from the Commonwealth...

"The Lithuanians are dissatisfied with their seats in the Sejm and the land reform system. Their will to resist Russia is nowhere near as strong as it was during the Great Patriotic War...

"Add to that the Commonwealth's exorbitant military expenditures in recent years, and the financial situation is deteriorating daily...

"Even the grain reserves are low. Because Poland exported massive amounts of grain last year to ease financial pressure, the current stock is only enough to sustain the army for two and a half months. Once war begins, it will be nearly impossible for the outside world to provide Poland with any aid..."

"And then I'll state the disadvantages of Poland's terrain," Charles said, nodding seriously. "I promise I have memorized it all, Mr. Envoy."

He took a deep breath and patted his racing heart. He was only thirteen years old and had never presided over such a formal diplomatic occasion before. But he immediately remembered that when his brother was his age, Joseph had already begun the Paris police reforms—and he hadn't had an envoy standing by to guide him.

'I cannot bring shame to my brother.' Charles squared his shoulders, puffed out his chest, and strode toward the waiting Prince Regent Poniatowski and the others.

Since it was a secret meeting, there was no band or honor guard.

After the initial greetings, Charles followed the Polish Regent into the Tin-Roofed Palace. In a grand hall, he finally met King Stanisław II, who had not appeared in public for quite some time.

He gave a standard courtly bow to the King. In his focus, he forgot every single one of Baron Nospan's meticulous instructions and went straight to the point:

"Your Majesty, I ask that you place your absolute trust in my brother, the House of Bourbon, and France's solemn commitment to Poland."