Chapter 768: Speculation |
The pros and cons were obvious, and Franz had a headache. On the surface, all three plans seemed viable, but in reality, none of them were truly reliable.
At first glance, Austria had plenty of colonies, and carving out a piece of land to settle millions of people should have been easy.
However, once the process of actually designating land began, complications arose. Africa was out of the question since it was considered the future heartland.
Southeast Asia seemed promising, but in reality, there were not many islands capable of accommodating millions of people. Franz was unwilling to give up New Guinea, and beyond that, there were no viable options. Borneo already had a population exceeding ten million, leaving little unclaimed land.
Perhaps in the future, some surrounding islands might be able to support a few million people, but at the present time, it simply was not feasible.
Franz still had his limits. Deaths on the battlefield were inevitable, but he could not bring himself to deliberately orchestrate a famine that would kill millions in the aftermath of war.
Of course, this moral boundary only applied to his own actions. If someone else were responsible, Franz could turn a blind eye.
Well, he could issue a formal condemnation as that much was acceptable. Beyond that, there was nothing he could do. The world was cruel, and in the 19th century, there was no place for idealists.
Unlike the resource-abundant future, a ruler who let emotions dictate decisions in this era could very well lead his country to ruin.
Austrian Central America was the strategic core of Austria’s presence in the Americas and could not be destabilized. That left only the Arctic islands and the Patagonian Plateau in South America.
Everyone knew that the Arctic islands were unfit for human habitation. Ordinary people would not survive there.
It might work as a place of exile for stubborn dissidents, but sending millions of people there would be as good as a death sentence. It would be no different from executing them outright.
Patagonia was not much better, at least not before it was developed. Calling it a resettlement plan would be misleading. It was more like dumping Austria’s problems onto Chile and Argentina.
Despite years of colonization, Austria had only managed to send about a hundred thousand settlers there, which spoke volumes.
It was not that the Austrian government did not want more immigrants. The harsh natural conditions drove settlers to Chile or Argentina instead.
Those who stayed did so mainly for work. The region had mineral resources, and its agriculture and livestock industries were concentrated in river valley plains where large-scale farms dominated.
The other two resettlement options were even worse. According to the plan, the Armenian Kingdom would have only a few tens of thousands of square kilometers. At most, a little over a hundred thousand.
There was no way Russia would allow it to expand further. That amount of land could support hundreds of thousands of Armenians, but adding millions more would mean mass starvation.
Forcibly expelling refugees into Persia was just as unreliable. If people chose to leave voluntarily, Franz had no problem giving them a push, but forced deportation would be going too far.
After some hesitation, Franz made a compromise: “Start by sending immigrants to the Americas. The government will provide subsidies and let the capitalists find ways to get them in.
The priority is the United States. For every immigrant sent there, we will provide a subsidy of 40 guilders. For other countries, the subsidy will be 35 guilders. As for the rest, we will find other ways to resettle them.”
This was an astronomical sum. On the underground market, the price of a white slave was usually around ten pounds, while a black slave cost about twenty-five pounds, and both were typically young and strong.
Now, there was no need to take risks with the slave trade. Simply transporting people to their destination would be enough to claim the Austrian government’s subsidy.
Franz trusted the capitalists’ ability to act when profit was involved. As long as the incentives were in place, nothing was impossible.
Relocating these millions of people to a single location would be extremely difficult, but spreading them across the world would not be much of a problem.
Franz was not concerned that these people would be turned away. Immigrant nations generally had more men than women, whereas these refugees were the opposite. Most of the able-bodied men had died on the battlefield, leaving mostly women, children, and the elderly.
To be precise, there were far more women and children. In the Ottoman Empire, where the average life expectancy was just over thirty, anyone above thirty-five was considered elderly. Those who lived past fifty were rare exceptions.
…
Saint Petersburg. As the war approached its end, the issue of dividing the spoils became part of Alexander’s agenda.
Times had changed. In this Near East War, Austria had taken the leading role, while the Russian Empire had become a background actor.
“One who takes favors must be prepared to give in return.”
Austria’s supplies were not given freely. Since the war’s logistics had been entirely dependent on Austrian support, the Russian government would naturally have to pay a price when it came to distributing the spoils.
With an expressionless face, Alexander III asked, “Beyond our original agreement, the Austrian government has now made new demands. They want to establish an independent Armenian state as a buffer between our two nations. The proposed location is within our Caucasus territory. What do you all think?”
Those familiar with Alexander III knew that an expressionless face meant he was displeased. Only his refined upbringing kept his emotions in check.
However, since he could restrain himself, it meant the situation was not entirely hopeless. There was no immediate risk of being dismissed and sent home to manage an estate.
It was natural for the Tsar to have a temper. Among the Russian rulers, Alexander III was relatively easy to serve, at least compared to those who would eliminate ministers over disagreements.
Minister of Internal Affairs Dmitry Tolstoy, feigning outrage, said, “Your Majesty, we absolutely cannot agree to this. Russia and Austria share a border that stretches for tens of thousands of li. Why would we need a buffer?”
Tens of thousands of li might be an exaggeration, but the border between Russia and Austria was still around seven to eight thousand li long. (3000-4000 km; 1 li = 0.5 km)
When two major powers shared a border, having a buffer zone could help reduce conflicts. Unfortunately, the sheer length of the Russian-Austrian border made such a buffer impractical.
Russia and Austria had been long-time allies. Since the Napoleonic Wars, the two nations had maintained an alliance. Although there were periods when formal agreements lapsed, their fundamental partnership had never truly ended.
After generations of cooperation, people had grown accustomed to it. While rulers still worried about potential threats from each other, the general population did not share that concern.
Finance Minister Alisher Gulov voiced his opposition. “That is not entirely true. Russia and Austria are both great powers, and a shorter border would be preferable.
Over a decade ago, there were already proposals for a territorial exchange between our nations to shorten the border and reduce the chances of conflict. However, due to geographical constraints, no agreement was reached at the time.
Austria’s push for Armenian independence is unlikely to be based on an empty promise. It is very possible that the Austrian government is testing the waters.
What was impossible in the past may now be within reach.
Since Austria has already offered compensation, they might be looking to take advantage of our current financial difficulties and buy the Anatolian Peninsula to shorten the border.
I believe we should at least open negotiations. If Austria’s compensation is acceptable, ceding a stretch of barren land for the Armenians to establish a state might be an option.”
The long border between Russia and Austria had both advantages and disadvantages. While it increased the potential for conflict, it also meant that both governments had to be more cautious in managing their relations.
If war were to break out, defending such an extensive border would be nearly impossible. Each side could invade the other, but even if a winner emerged, both nations would suffer heavy losses.
The Russian-Austrian friendship was no longer just a matter of shared interests, it was also a necessity. The cost of being enemies was simply too high, leaving both sides with no choice but to remain allies.
Every time the idea of “territorial exchange” was brought up, the Russian government could not help but think of Alaska, a loss that still brought deep regret.
However, Alexander III was rational, unlike the nationalists who resented the past. He understood that back then, using Alaska to pay off debts had been an unavoidable decision.
Had Russia not handed over Alaska to Austria, the empire would have been unable to hold onto that frozen land with its own strength.
Despite the narrow Bering Strait separating it from Siberia, the distance was an insurmountable barrier. Russia’s ability to project power there was practically nonexistent.
At the time, facing the threat from British Canada, bringing Austria into the region had been the best possible move.
As for the gold, Alexander III certainly found it tempting. But in the end, the Russian Empire simply lacked the strength to hold onto such a valuable territory.