Chapter 308 |
“Finally completed!”
“This is only the first step. It still has to be passed by the Reichstag (Imperial Diet) and approved by His Majesty before it can take effect!”
“It’s just a revision, what’s there to worry about?”
......
That’s right, this is the Constitutional Committee of the New Holy Roman Empire. The people here are all delegates sent by the governments of the member states.
The Constitutional Committee was established as early as 1854, but it has dragged on to this day due to major differences between the parties.
Now the draft constitution has finally been unveiled. Previously, the New Holy Roman Empire was still using the unification agreement signed by the member states.
The draft constitution soon appeared on Franz’s desk. After reading it from cover to cover, Franz furrowed his brow slightly. This constitution was essentially the result of a compromise between the parties involved, with its greatest advantage perhaps being the safeguarding of imperial authority.
This is an inevitable result. The members of the Constitutional Committee are all royalists. Except for the free cities, all the member states have kings.
From the perspective of authority, the kings of each state are Franz’s best allies. Imperial and royal authority stand on the same front, and both sides will suffer if one side loses.
The other clauses are more or less the same as the current actual situation in the New Holy Roman Empire.
It is almost a replica of the Second Reich. State governments have a high degree of autonomy. Apart from the prohibition of secession, a unified currency, and the need to maintain consistency with the central government in foreign affairs, there are basically no restrictions.
The authority to command the military belongs to the emperor and the kings of the states. According to the Constitution: Franz and the kings of the states have the right to command their respective state armies, but the central government does not have this authority.
The military is divided into two types: the central army and the armies of the states. The central army is directly under the command of the Emperor, and the various state governments share the military expenses; while the state armies are directly under the command of the kings, and the expenses are borne by the respective states.
Theoretically, as long as the state governments have money, even if they raise an army of one million, it would be legal, and the central government has no right to interfere, although the emperor will still have the right to command them.
The new constitution directly separates the military from the government, making the state armies the private armies of the Emperor and the kings.
It is the same with taxation. The people pay taxes to the kings and emperors, while the central and state governments only manage on their behalf.
This is somewhat similar to the British, except that the emperor has greater power.
High-ranking officials of the central government are appointed by the emperor. All senior officials must have local or ministerial experience and a certain level of political achievement.
This effectively cuts off the possibility of rapid advancement, adhering to the principle that a prime minister must first rise through the ranks of provincial governance.
It’s worth mentioning that parliamentary elections have been allowed, albeit under strict criteria.
Franz estimates that under these criteria, eligible voters would not exceed one percent of the population, and even fewer would be eligible to run for office.
Following the example of the British, parliament is divided into upper and lower houses. The upper house consists of nobles, and the lower house is elected by the people.
To be eligible to vote, you must be a citizen of the New Holy Roman Empire and a long-term resident of the Empire or its colonies, over 30 years of age, have secondary education or higher, have more than ten years of experience in societal work and have achieved certain results in the industry, have no criminal record, and have the correct political ideology...
The qualifications for candidates are even more stringent. In addition to meeting the above qualifications, there are also assessments of social contribution, personal comprehensive ability, political ideology, and moral character...
There is no doubt that with these restrictions, the future parliament of the New Holy Roman Empire will be quite harmonious.
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Most of those who manage to get through these requirements are already old, and they’re generally too tired to argue or fight.
Undoubtedly, this electoral model is a severe blow to political parties. Eloquence alone is useless. Even if you boast to the skies, if you don’t have the right to vote or even the qualification to be voted, it’s all for naught.
The voters also have a certain level of knowledge and are industrial elites who are long past their rebellious adolescent stage. They do not have a strong desire to change the social status quo, and they are not easy to fool too.
Even if all these conditions are met, it will only get you a seat in Parliament. To become prime minister from there, you still have to work your way up from the grassroots. Elections are not a shortcut.
These restrictions were not set by Franz, at most he hinted at them, the rest was worked out by the Constitutional Committee.
It makes sense when you think about it. The current Constitutional Committee are all interest groups who naturally want to protect their own interests.
Don’t think that the commoners will necessarily want to expand voting rights. The end result is often the exact opposite — these people are the most opposed to expanding suffrage.
The human mind is complex. Before obtaining privileges, they oppose privileges; after obtaining privileges, their butt governs the head, and they want to maintain these privileges.
As elites in society, they naturally do not want more people coming in to share this power, resulting ultimately in elite rule.
Whether elite rule is good or bad is a question Franz cannot answer. But as Emperor, it is in his interest.
Having a group of rational, conservative social elites in positions of power is more conducive to national development than allowing a bunch of immature, loudmouthed individuals into the mix.
Seeing the political donations, Franz without hesitation crossed them out and noted: “Any act of political donation will be considered bribery and will be strictly investigated in accordance with the relevant regulations.”
After pondering for a while, he added: “It is forbidden for the media, enterprises, and individuals to engage in relevant political propaganda. Violators will be tried for manipulating political elections.”
As for how voters should cast their ballots without propaganda, that’s not Franz’s concern. Perhaps a list of personal biographies might more or less suffice!
In any case, everyone is equal, it is fair and impartial, and no one has an advantage.
It is still better than letting the power of capital intervene and turn the parliament into a slave under the money of the capitalists.
Of course, being a constitutional monarchy, some clauses limit the Emperor’s power. For example, he must abide by the Constitution, clearly define the portion of the royal annuity to be taken, and so on.
That’s about it. Don’t expect a Constitutional Committee appointed by the Emperor and the Kings to actually formulate a constitution that limits imperial power.
These clauses are all tacitly approved by Franz. At most, they strengthen the power of the Cabinet, but the Cabinet’s authority is ultimately derived from the Emperor, which essentially makes them scapegoats.
It is worth mentioning the law of succession to the throne. Franz made changes so that if the first heir was unable to assume the responsibilities of the emperor for personal, physical, or mental reasons, the throne would be inherited directly by the second heir.
There is no way around it. Having experienced the reign of Ferdinand I and the near collapse, the House of Habsburg was frightened. They fear a repetition. After all, not every situation can be easily resolved, and one cannot always rely on good luck to avert disaster.
If the House of Habsburg hadn’t had so many loyal retainers, Austria would have become a constitutional monarchy during Ferdinand’s reign, and Franz would not have had the opportunity to draft the constitution himself.
After reviewing it several times and finding no problems, Franz conveyed his opinion. When the time comes, of course, there will be people who will find reasons to carry out his will.
This is only a draft. There is still a long tug-of-war between the central and state governments over their respective rights.
The Constitution, in plain terms, is just a framework. When it comes to specific clauses, it still depends on the outcome of political games between the parties involved.