Chapter 222 |
< World War II - The Awakening of a Giant (8) >
November 3, 1941
Berlin, Capital of Germany
It’s a bit of a funny story, but FDR’s popularity actually rose after he lost the election.
The shameful conduct displayed by the Democratic Party and Garner during the 1940 election had been so excessive that a wave of sympathy had emerged for Roosevelt, who was seen as an innocent victim.
Furthermore, FDR had successfully resolved the Bonus Army incident, which the Republican Hoover had botched. After Roosevelt lost the election, another series of riots by communists and their bloody suppression occurred under the Republican administration, which boosted his image even more.
Within America, claims were quietly surfacing that if Roosevelt had not lost the election, such incidents would never have happened, and America would not have been swept up in a storm of anti-communism, trembling in fear.
The Republican Party, which had ousted Roosevelt and taken power, was so conscious of public opinion that they continued more than half of the New Deal policies to overcome the Great Depression.
That says it all.
‘Never, ever, ever publish a picture of FDR in a wheelchair in the newspapers.’
Especially since there was the precedent of Garner being politically buried, FDR's lower body paralysis had become an almost taboo subject even after he lost the election.
There was nothing to be gained by the German press deliberately stirring that up and getting on the Americans' nerves.
In that hectic atmosphere, the stage was set for the talks in Berlin.
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, Polish Inspector General of the Armed Forces Władysław Sikorski, the new Finnish Prime Minister Johan Wilhelm Rangell, Dutch Prime Minister Dirk Jan de Geer, Belgian Prime Minister Hubert Pierlot, Ethiopian Prime Minister Makonnen Endelkachew, and the head of the Free Ukrainian Army, Andriy Melnyk.
To complete the picture, even the distant Republic of China, despite its dire situation, sent T.
V. Soong, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea sent Lyuh Woon-hyung.
In effect, it was a gathering of all the leaders of the Allied Powers or their equivalents with acting authority.
This very meeting was a testament to the weight of the nation called America, capable of changing the course of a seemingly endless World War II.
With Andrey Vlasov, the head of Free Russia, and Alexander Kerensky, who had entered Germany with the US special envoy delegation, watching, the representative of the US delegation, Secretary of State Robert A. Taft, dropped a bombshell right from the start.
“The United States of America requests that the Allied Powers formally recognize Free Russia and support the overthrow of the Soviet Union.”
Leon Trotsky's attempt to communize America had transformed FDR's America, which had been content with peace in a bipolar system with the Soviet Union, into a hardline anti-communist nation.
It was something I had anticipated to some extent from the moment an America in such a state showed interest in Free Russia, but hearing it in person didn't feel very good.
“Heh heh heh…”
The German Chancellor, Mr.
Heuss, let out a hollow laugh, but Taft paid him no mind and laid out America's proposal.
“If you do so, the United States of America is willing to dispatch volunteer soldiers to help overthrow the Soviet Union and to support the war effort for Germany and the Allied nations through Lend-Lease and bond purchases.
Furthermore, as you can see on the map in the documents we've provided—”
We were able to look at the map provided by the American side. They had marked a rather large area of the sea near the Philippines.
“—we will declare the waters near the Philippines a Neutral Waters zone, announce that we will respond if any vessel from an ‘unreliable nation’ passes through said waters, and—”
They just stopped short of calling out the Empire of Japan by name. This was a clear declaration that they would severely restrict the movements of the Imperial Japanese Navy.
Taft paused deliberately for a moment before speaking.
“—we intend to propose an arbitration plan centered on the complete withdrawal of the Japanese Army, which is engaged in conflict in East Asia.”
So, to summarize.
If we formally recognize Free Russia as an Allied Power and declare an anti-communist crusade, America will help us finish off the Soviet Union by providing Lend-Lease and volunteer soldiers, and they will lead to peace negotiations with the Empire of Japan through checks and what is effectively an ultimatum.
…is what they’re saying.
A dramatic intervention at a dramatic time.
It's truly as if they’ve come to ‘end this war.’
Support the Allied Powers, especially Free Russia, to destroy the commies and establish a pro-American state in Russia.
Put pressure on Japan, which is at war with the Allied Forces, to stop the war at an appropriate line.
Isn't this a plan that perfectly embodies the wishful thinking of America—especially the Republican Party—wanting to leave its diplomatic influence on the world order through a decisive intervention, but without getting directly involved in the war?
“Hah, well…”
“If that happens, we…”
The delegates of the Allied Powers each began to calculate their own interests.
Although they were united under the single banner of the Allied Powers, with so many member nations, their individual situations and interests differed.
Naturally, the value of America's proposal was bound to be different for each of them.
Especially for Britain and the Netherlands, who were keenly aware that defeating the Empire of Japan without America's help was nearly impossible, this proposal was like rain in a drought.
If Japan accepted the arbitration plan and immediately returned the occupied colonies, they couldn't ask for more, and if Japan refused, America would surely apply pressure in some way.
The faces of the British and Dutch delegations lit up… except for Churchill's.
Knowing Churchill's personality, he wouldn't want to end the war with Japan at some appropriate line; he'd want to utterly annihilate them.
On the other hand, T. V.
Soong of the Republic of China and Lyuh Woon-hyung of the Korean Provisional Government, who were discussing with furrowed brows, had faces full of worry.
That's because they were in a situation where their voice was too weak to protest even if the great powers decided the fate of their homelands for their own convenience.
In truth, from Germany's perspective, this wasn't just a matter of someone adding a spoon to a fully prepared table. It was more like someone showing up as we were finishing our meal, demanding we prepare another feast, all while expecting to be treated as an honored guest.
But they were the awe-inspiring Uncle Sam, and the situation was too delicate to just shout, “We don't need your help!”
“What scale of volunteer forces are you considering?”
“That's still up for discussion, but we're anticipating around ten divisions.”
Ten divisions.
That alone was over 200,000 men. Since they were volunteer soldiers, they'd likely send some of the US Army's more elite troops for the sake of prestige, so they would be of some help.
“And what is the extent of this Lend-Lease you mentioned?”
As if he had been waiting for my question, Taft opened his mouth with a smirk.
“For the Free Russian Army and the Free Ukrainian Army, which we estimate will be a force of over two million men, we will provide full armament for all of them.”
“Ooh…”
Andrey Vlasov and Andriy Melnyk's faces lit up.
Hey, Germany could provide that much too, you know?
I could understand Vlasov of Free Russia, and more weapons are always better, but for Melnyk of Free Ukraine to also openly show such delight… that stung a little.
“Additionally, the United States is willing to lend up to 5,000 medium tanks.”
“F-Five thousand?”
Gasps of shock came from all around, and I placed a hand on my forehead.
My apologies for ever acting so cocky in front of you, Uncle Sam.
As expected, America operates on a whole different scale.
The total number of Panzer IVs that Germany had produced so far, after cutting out all sorts of production waste and optimizing the lines, barely exceeded 6,000 units, including both old and new models.
And now they were talking about 5,000 via Lend-Lease.
Is this what you call a difference in class?
“You'll lend us 5,000 medium tanks? Are you sure you didn't mean light tanks?”
When the Polish Inspector General of the Armed Forces, Władysław Sikorski, asked with a skeptical expression, Taft replied confidently.
“Yes.
It's not a boast, but the United States' Sherman tank is a piece of work that won't be outmatched by Germany's Panzer IV.”
How the hell would you know that? Did you tear our tanks apart?
Ah, wait.
My head creaked as I automatically turned it to glare at Winston Churchill.
Churchill, who was smoking a cigar, gave me a magnanimous-looking smile before averting his gaze.
You crazy bastard! I gave them to you for technology exchange, and you sold them to the Americans! Just as expected from the nation of traditional and trustworthy perfidy!
Taft seemed rather satisfied by my reaction. What, did he find our shocked reactions to the might of the United States amusing?
Hah, showing off with something like a Sherman!
I wanted to show that man the brand-new Tiger and Panther prototypes.
I wanted to grind that arrogant nose of his into the dust!
As the son of the man who signed the Taft-Katsura Agreement, he'd already been getting on my nerves, but now he was just utterly insufferable.
“Hmph…”
“Is that really true…”
But regardless of my thoughts, the delegates of the Allied nations were smacking their lips.
Damn it, this atmosphere is something else.
Until now, Germany had done its best to help each of the Allied nations, playing the role of the big brother.
But now, the prestige of all the support Germany had provided was fading in the face of just those tanks.
What's more, they boasted a production capacity so immense it would be overflowing even after throwing everything from food, represented by Spam, to radios, steel, and aluminum at us via Lend-Lease.
They call it a “lease,” but it would all eventually become a debt to be repaid. Still, for the Allied Powers who just wanted to win the war now, it was an overly attractive proposal…
So this is the damn United States.
I was clicking my tongue as I watched the various national delegations discuss amongst themselves when I felt a gaze and turned my head.
The source of the gaze was FDR.
FDR had come as part of the delegation, but he had mostly left the talks to Taft and hadn't said much.
He was a former president, but the current government was Republican and he was a Democrat, so it was understandable, but…
When our eyes met, he smiled and gave a slight nod.
What was that about? I may have exchanged telegrams and replies with FDR, but it was all official business. We shouldn't have any particular personal connection, right?
As I returned his nod, feeling a little awkward, Mr.
Heuss, who had been observing the atmosphere, spoke up.
“First… it seems we'll need some internal discussion before making a decision.”
At Mr. Heuss's words, Taft nodded with a relaxed and confident attitude.
“Ah, of course. We expected that both Germany and the Allied Powers would need to discuss this internally.”
He said that, but he didn't even bother to hide his arrogance, his assumption that we would naturally accept, perhaps with a few minor adjustments.
If we accepted their proposal, America would end up sharing the absolute prestige that Germany currently held within the Allied Powers.
And they would do so while minimizing American bloodshed by not directly entering the war, all while selling loads of their weapons and goods to the Allied Powers, albeit on credit.
If this was only about the war with the Soviet Union and a decision Germany could make alone, I would have rejected it without hesitation.
The problem is that this concerns the entire Allied Forces, and in the war against Japan, America's help isn't an option, it's a necessity.
What America wants is to profit by sending volunteer soldiers and doing business without entering the war, but I know how Japan will react to such an ultimatum from the US, which makes it even more complicated.
---
After the talks with the American delegation—or rather, after listening to their demands—I had to endure a dizzyingly busy time.
It was chaos internally within Germany, and knowing that Germany's decision would heavily influence the Allied Powers' choice, the delegations from each country took turns meeting with me for discussions, making things incredibly hectic.
Public opinion within the Allied Powers was largely split into three camps.
The camp that wanted to accept immediately consisted of Britain, the Netherlands, and Belgium.
They had few interests on the Eastern Front, so they were itching to end the war by reclaiming their territories occupied by Japan through American mediation, and then focus on managing their restless colonies.
Seeing them so full of expectation that Japan, already at war with the Allied Powers, would back down if it received an ultimatum from America, I couldn't help but let out a hollow laugh.
I seriously doubt they could keep indulging their wishful thinking if they knew that the very same America wanted their colonies to be independent…
The camp that would respect the decision of the Allied Powers, especially Germany, included Poland, Finland, Ethiopia, and Free Ukraine.
Finland and Ethiopia had by now become so close to us they were practically blood allies, showing absolute trust in Germany.
Poland, too, had recaptured the entire Polish Campaign theater with Germany's help and was now in a position to secure Belarus, so their old grudges against Germany had been greatly diluted.
Sikorski, who was once called a traitor for ceding territory to Germany and prioritizing diplomacy with it, was now being hailed as a Polish hero with great foresight, which made it even more so.
Free Ukraine had shown itself to be greatly tempted by America's proposal, which almost made me feel disappointed, but thankfully, Andriy Melnyk seemed to have decided to prioritize Germany, which was geographically closer and the command tower of the Eastern Front, over America.
Finally, the Republic of China and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea were on pins and needles.
They desperately wanted the help of America, which seemed capable of providing more assistance in the Asian theater than Germany, but at the same time, they were concerned that America would not be proactive in the liberation of all of China and the Korean Peninsula.
A valid concern.
At this point in time, America had no interest in retaking all of China, such as Manchuria or Taiwan Island as claimed by the government of the Republic of China, let alone the Korean Peninsula, which America had effectively recognized as Japanese territory through the Taft-Katsura Agreement.
From the perspective of America, especially the Republican Party, there was a possibility they would think it was fine to end the war without fighting, even if it meant ceding parts of the occupied territories of the Republic of China to Japan, not to mention Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula, which had been colonies of Imperial Japan from the start.
When I met him in person, Lyuh Woon-hyung expressed his gratitude for Germany's decision to sponsor the Provisional Government and approve the Republic of Korea's entry into the Allied Powers, but he was also extremely anxious that Germany might abandon its promise to them and end the war with Japan by cooperating with the US on convenient terms.
It was a good move to oust Syngman Rhee and take over the Provisional Government.
In this situation, Syngman Rhee wouldn't be anxiously worrying about being abandoned by Germany; he would have been trying to cling to America, even if it meant requesting a trusteeship.
While I reassured Lyuh Woon-hyung that Germany had no such intention, I couldn't erase a subtle, strange feeling inside.
That's because opinions were already emerging within Germany to forget about things like the tungsten interests in the Korean Peninsula, and just take America's support to push over the Soviet Union and end the war.
While I was busy working amidst the tangled interests of various nations and the divided opinions within Germany, I received a letter at home.
[Greetings, Minister of Defense Dietrich Schacht.
I have heard a great deal about you for a long time and have personally wished to meet you.
It seems the opportunity has finally arrived.
I am but an old man who has come here with the credentials of a special envoy, thanks to the goodwill of President Willkie.
However, if it is not too much of an imposition, might I have the pleasure of receiving an invitation from you?
Normally, it would be proper for the one requesting the meeting to extend the invitation, but unfortunately, the delegation is sharing accommodations, making that impossible. I ask for your generous understanding.
I have prepared something in its place. Do you enjoy alcohol? I do hope so.
If you would invite this old man, I wish to let you taste a masterpiece of my own making!
I wish your family everlasting peace and look forward to a positive reply.
With sincere regards,
- Franklin Delano Roosevelt]
I'd been agonizing over this with a headache for some time…
It was a letter that washed away all my recent worries and brought an involuntary smile to my lips.
How many chances does one get to invite a man who remains a great figure in history and taste alcohol he made himself?