Chapter 206 |
< World War II - River of Fire and Blood (2) >
As France and Finland succeeded in completely securing the Kola Peninsula, the Soviet Union lost its ice-free port to the Barents Sea.
On top of that, Germany and Poland had driven the Soviet Army out of Poland with Operation Liberation, and had gone on to secure all the Ukrainian and Belarusian territory on the West Bank of the Dnieper River with minimal losses.
Our government was, of course, overjoyed, and the generals who had put on a show of military merit in Operation Liberation were honored with mass promotions.
The four Army Group Commanders—Fedor von Bock, Johannes Blaskowitz, Günther von Kluge, and Ewald von Kleist—were promoted to Field Marshal.
The generals under their command were also promoted in droves. In particular, Erwin Rommel, Heinz Guderian, Hans-Valentin Hube, and General Walter Model, who had served as the shield and spear of the Panzer Group and shot to stardom, were promoted to Colonel General.
Erich von Manstein, who had achieved astonishing military gains in Operation Liberation, and Wolfram von Richthofen, who had actively supported the operation with the Luftwaffe, also became Colonel Generals.
Considering that most of the men who had just become Colonel Generals, four-star generals, were only Lieutenant Generals before the New Government Coup, it was a truly meteoric rise.
It was somewhat reminiscent of the promotion show Hitler put on after the victory in the invasion of France, but we didn't just hand out Field Marshal batons like we were imitating Napoleon. Everyone had performed more than adequately.
But unfortunately, the situation for us in the high command, the government, was not so comfortable.
-
August 1, 1941
Berlin, the Capital of Germany – Government Building
"How many did you say their military force is?"
Prime Minister Heuss was flustered, but since this wasn't a problem that could be hidden, I spoke without mercy.
"It is estimated that 6 million Soviet troops have established a defense line on the East Bank of the Dnieper River."
"…And what is our force strength?"
"Our current forces deployed on the Eastern Front number 2.
3 million. The Polish Army has 1.
5 million, and the Ukrainian Army has 500,000. So, the total Allied force on the Eastern Front is 4.
3 million."
The people gathered for the Cabinet meeting began to murmur as they heard my report.
"Didn't you say Soviet losses were over 7 million?"
"That's correct."
"Aren't their forces also dispersed in Leningrad and the north?"
"Yes. We estimate about 1 million have established a defense line there as well."
The cabinet was at a loss for words after hearing my answer.
The Soviet mobilization capability that had horrified Nazi Germany in the original history—the one where for every 100 divisions they smashed, 200 more appeared—was now becoming a reality.
"…Perhaps, we've misidentified something, or…"
But being at a loss for words was no excuse for spouting nonsense.
"Our control of the air is currently perfect, and Ukraine is mostly plains. We also have the Abwehr operating clandestinely within the Soviet home country.
Do you think all of them are blind to the facts?"
"…M-My apologies. But the scale is just so…"
I ignored the questioner, who immediately withered, and turned my gaze to Mr.
Heuss.
"In any case, our army has done more than its part. But the disparity in military force is so severe that the Ministry of Defense is negative about crossing the Dnieper to launch an offensive in the current situation."
Mr.
Heuss narrowed his brow slightly and opened his mouth.
"The troops who have completed their training locally in the parts of Ukraine we've secured will continue to be reinforced.
Won't that solve the problem?"
"Yes, it will. However, the Allied Forces are not the only ones mobilizing."
I handed Mr.
Heuss the report I had received from Director Canaris. Mr.
Heuss read it slowly, his face turning dumbfounded.
"The Soviets are mobilizing an additional 4 million?"
"F-Four million? Doesn't that mean their total force will exceed ten million!"
Now the meeting room was in complete pandemonium.
"Yes. According to the Abwehr's report, the reinforcements have already begun."
Everyone was struck speechless.
I was sorry to drop such a bomb on the mood that had been soaring with a series of victories, but for me, who knew the latent power the Soviet Union had shown in the original history, it was no surprise.
The total number of troops mobilized by the Soviet Union by the end of the German-Soviet War in the original history was 30 million.
Thirty million. It was a number you could only hope to match by conscripting every male in Germany, from youths to old men.
Of course, without America's Lend-Lease and with more than half of Ukraine taken away, it would be difficult for the Soviet Union to mobilize that many troops.
Beyond the sheer scale of their forces, the problems caused by their chronic industrial imbalance would be even more severe than in the original history.
The problem was our situation.
"Looking at the current situation, Germany cannot even dream of an offensive without additional mobilization of troops.
The more time we give them, the more the Soviet Army will grow, so we must definitely secure the entire Ukraine theater with additional mobilization here and now-"
Before I could finish my sentence, someone shouted out.
"Additional mobilization is absolutely out of the question!"
It was our fat man who had brought about the Miracle on the Rhine, the current Minister of Finance, Ludwig Erhard.
"Aren't we already conducting steady recruitment! After driving out the Nazis who knew absolutely nothing about economics, the economy has only just begun to recover. If we issue an additional mobilization order now, it will all be for naught!"
"Hmm.
But realistically, we are short on manpower. With the reparations, we can somehow…"
"Who was it that made the decision to slash those very reparations?"
At Erhard's question, I flinched and had to make an excuse.
"…In any case, the reparations Germany is receiving are by no means small."
After all, the total sum of reparations from Poland, Italy, and France exceeded the total amount of those terrifying Mefo bill bonds, didn't it?
But Erhard was merciless.
"Realistically, the amount of reparations we are receiving immediately is not that large. Poland, as you know, someone graciously allowed them to pay later."
Instead of receiving reparations and payment for weapons from Poland immediately, I had decided to receive it in installments like Lend-Lease, with a further reduction to be made after the war in exchange for Upper Silesia… that was me.
"You also allowed Italy to pay half its reparations in foodstuffs or light industry products, saying its economy would collapse otherwise."
…I did that too.
But still, thanks to that, our people are eating, living, and dressing well during the war without having to rely on the rationing system.
"You decided to reduce France's reparations according to the performance of the French Army, and even then, didn't you decide that France's reparations would be paid out as pensions for the post-war welfare and social adaptation of soldiers?"
That… was also me.
From the perspective of the Minister of Economics, I'm practically his mortal enemy, aren't I? Still…
"Looking toward the post-war era, these are necessary measures. And forcing a treaty that is bound to create resentment or cause the other party to collapse is no different from booking the next Great War, is it?"
"You make an excellent point, Minister Schacht.
A wise decision and a big picture that foresees the future. That's true, as long as we don't go bankrupt from the back-breaking costs of war.
If you think the economy will run itself just by sprinkling around a few reparations, I'd like to tell you that you are gravely mistaken."
Erhard sent me a look that blatantly said, 'This guy knows nothing about economics. '
Damn it, I can't even dare to challenge one of history's most revered economic authorities.
"It's been fine so far. As Minister Schacht said, the Mefo bill bonds are more or less covered by the reparations, and the German economy is running smoothly enough. If we can just end the war in this state, explosive growth will be possible."
If that's the case, isn't it okay to mobilize a little more…
Ultimately, you need troops to win, and you need to win to end the war even a day sooner.
"But the story changes once additional mobilization begins. With the fixed cost of the Mefo bill bonds, we can't inject economic stimulus funds. And you want to send the remaining laborers to the front lines? Both supply and demand will be shattered. I guarantee you, the Germany that emerges after the war will fall into a Second Great Depression."
"Ugh…"
Erhard's words were so perfectly logical that I had nothing to say.
Damn it.
Even if we have an advantage over Nazi Germany in economic power and productivity, the fact that we are a normal nation has ironically saddled us with a penalty in this area.
Nazi Germany could just say, 'Mefo bill bonds? Who cares, we're in a war for the fate of our nation!' and default, so they didn't have this cost problem.
Furthermore, the Nazis supplemented their economy—which had been completely ruined by excessive militarization, the over-issuance of Mefo bills, and over-the-top mobilization—by plundering the territories they occupied.
Even then, it wasn't enough to cover everything, and their national strength only became more impoverished as the war continued.
Although we are receiving reparations from the defeated nations, it's all within the bounds of common sense.
Naturally, it can't compare to the plunder of the Nazis, who stripped their enemies bare without a care for whether they went bankrupt or not.
Moreover, unlike the Lend-Lease that the United States provided to the Allied Powers in the original history, the current America is simply doing business.
We're not racking up a tab to pay off after the war; we're buying all the oil and trucks they provide with our own money.
Nazi Germany may have drafted well over ten million men during World War II, but we can't mobilize forces like that without thinking about the consequences.
After saying all that, Erhard took out a cigar and lit it.
"Why don't you try telling Poland to mobilize more troops?"
At that, I bristled.
"Poland's population barely exceeds 30 million, and they've already mobilized 2.8 million! 1.
3 million of them are already buried in Polish soil!"
I shouted, looking at the flinching Erhard.
"And we're whining after mobilizing 3.
3 million out of our population of 75 million! While we were fighting Italy and France, they held back the Soviet Union, and they're already fighting this war in debt to us. And you want us to tell them to squeeze out more troops? If you cut open the goose that lays the golden eggs, are you going to collect your precious money from a corpse, Minister Erhard?"
This time, Erhard cleared his throat and apologized.
"Ahem. My apologies, Minister Schacht."
"Now, now, both ministers have different opinions because of their respective departments. Let's all calm down."
As Mr.
Heuss stepped in to calm both Erhard and me down, the Minister of Labour, Kurt Schumacher, who had been listening in silence, spoke up.
"As Minister of Labour and leader of the SPD, if additional mobilization occurs, the quality of life for our citizens will inevitably be shaken. Of course, one could argue that sacrifice is necessary during a war, but in the end, the war we are fighting is no longer a defensive one."
On paper, this war is a fight against the threat of the Soviet Union.
But in essence, it began to protect Poland and Finland from the threat of a two-front war that Germany would face if they collapsed while France was still standing strong.
The government… especially me… persuaded the people, and it was a preventive war that began with Germany's declaration of war on the Soviet Union.
However, we have already completely driven the Soviets out of Poland and Finland, and now we are attacking Soviet territory.
We promised Belarus to Poland in order to get Upper Silesia back, and to achieve that, we promised the liberation of Ukraine to weaken the Soviet Union's power.
Just because the Soviet Union started it, can this war really be called a defensive war?
"Until now, the citizens have felt their standard of living has actually improved compared to the Nazi era, and it's been fine because we've had a series of victories in a war where we held the moral high ground."
After saying that, Kurt Schumacher chose his words for a moment before speaking.
"But if more and more citizens are driven to the battlefield to win that war, and if we have to pile up countless corpses to cross that river, will the people still see it that way? If it comes to that, how are we any different from the Kaiser or the Führer?"
Hearing Schumacher's words, I felt a chilling sensation wash over me.
Honestly, I had been fully intending to persuade the Cabinet and, if necessary, use my specialty—speech—to get an additional mobilization order passed by a vote in the Parliament.
Only by securing the entire Ukraine theater could my grand strategy—secure Belarus and Ukraine, then switch to a defensive war—be achieved.
But how is that any different from what Goebbels used to do?
As Minister of Defense, was I perhaps possessed by an obsession to decide the match before the Soviet Union could muster its massive mobilization power?
Germany has already lost over a million lives from the Civil War to World War II.
And yet, I might have been unconsciously thinking that compared to the damage Nazi Germany suffered in World War II, it was an acceptable level.
I'm insane.
This isn't a strategy game where you can call for total war and everything is fine as long as you win, no matter how much you sacrifice.
"…Y-You have a point. Let's minimize additional mobilization and scrap the offensive plan."
Damn it, my voice is trembling with self-loathing.
I don't have the face to see Claudia.
As I covered my eyes with my hand, Mr.
Heuss's voice reached me.
"But it is also a fact that we promised the liberation of Ukraine, and we have only secured about half of it.
What do you intend to do?"
What else can I do…
I lowered my hand and gave Schumacher a slight nod.
"Thank you, Minister Schumacher. I feel like my eyes have been opened."
Schumacher, sitting in his wheelchair, raised an eyebrow slightly.
"I, too, am grateful to learn that the Minister has not changed."
Ah, he had to get one more jab in there.
I gave a bitter smile and turned to Mr. Heuss to speak.
"The operational plan we prepared was a two-phase plan anyway. We can just move directly to Phase 2."
Phase 1, Operation Liberation.
Drive the Soviets out of Poland and take control of Belarus and Ukraine.
Phase 2, Turtle strategy.
Defend the secured territory and wear down the Soviet will to fight through repeated psychological warfare and strategic strikes.
If we're going to force a turtle strategy anyway, it's better to defend with the Dnieper River as a natural fortress rather than shed more blood to secure the entire Ukraine theater with additional mobilization.
"There will be some opposition from the Ukrainian side about the change in the operational plan, but I will handle the persuasion on this matter. I'll just need a little help from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs."
"Haha, aren't you working us a little too easily?"
Erich Kordt let out a bitter laugh, but he didn't say no.
We brought Ukraine into this to reduce the amount of German blood shed, but to shed German blood to achieve their goals? What kind of reversal of roles is that?
Even if we don't secure the entire Ukraine theater right away, we can get it in a peace negotiation with the Soviet Union, or we can secure it after draining their strength.
"Ahem, but we have only gained half of Ukraine.
Won't that lead to a sluggish standoff?"
I grinned at the question from the Minister of Health, Willy Brandt.
"We have gained as much as half of Ukraine.
That alone is an unbearable blow to the Soviets, and we are not the only ones bearing the political burden."
We, despite fighting well in a war with a just cause, have already reached the culminating point of our attack due to political and internal problems.
So what about Stalin, who has built a mountain of millions of corpses in a war he himself started, only to be driven out of all his occupied territories in Poland and Finland, and even gave up the Kola Peninsula to defend Ukraine?
Furthermore, while we are camped out on the Dnieper, if the Red Army, which is supposed to be guarding the river, just sits there in a standoff getting shelled and bombed, dissatisfaction with Stalin will naturally pile up.
And if we sprinkle in some appropriate psychological warfare, that paranoiac will have no choice but to kick his subordinates' asses and order them to attack, terrified they'll get ideas about a rebellion if they just sit there.
"Stalin will have no choice but to launch an offensive. Even if he doesn't, as Minister of Defense and Propaganda, I will make it so.