Options
Bookmark

Chapter 198

< World War II - The Choice (2) >

May 28, 1941

The German capital, Berlin – Reichstag

"Lieutenant General Andrey Vlasov and the prisoners of war who surrendered from the Soviet Union are requesting to form a Free Russian Army and join the Allied Powers."

I was speaking in the Reichstag (the German Parliament) as the Minister of Defense.

"They want the overthrow of the Soviet Union and the reconstruction of Russia. The current number of volunteers is around 300,000, and it may increase as the war continues."

"What is the Ministry of Defense's stance?"

"The Ministry of Defense's stance aligns with our existing grand strategy: to hold Belarus and Ukraine and end the war through defensive warfare, propaganda, and peace negotiations with the Soviet Union."

"So, you are opposed to the formation of the Free Russian Army?"

"Even if we form a Free Russian Army, we cannot deploy these untrustworthy men to the front lines.

At best, they would be used to maintain public security in the occupied territories within the Soviet Union. To change our war goal to the overthrow of the Soviet Union for that, we would have to advance at least to Moscow.

And even that might not be enough."

The Parliament stirred at my words.

Honestly, from my perspective, this proposal isn't worth a single word. Destroy the Soviet Union just to get some rear-area public security troops?

Vlasov boasted that many Russians would share his will, but I don't see it so optimistically.

Nevertheless, the reason I'm speaking about it in Parliament is that, regardless of my judgment, this isn't a matter I can decide by unilateral action in a democratic nation.

Just then, given the nature of the agenda, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the Director of the Abwehr attending as a military observer, raised his hand for permission to speak and began.

"Can we truly live under the same sky as those Commies? They have sufficiently proven they will become a threat to Germany if given the opportunity."

Ah, Director…

He has always been my steadfast sponsor during the coup d'état, in the New Government, and in military operations, but that anti-communist sentiment of his is…

"The justification is on our side, and they are collapsing rapidly.

If we can seize this chance to strike and overthrow their union, wouldn't Germany be able to enjoy peace and prosperity?"

"Well said."

"On this golden opportunity, we should strike fast and end the war, is there any need to be so passive?"

From here and there, especially from the CDU, came words of agreement.

Even from the Social Democratic Party, which formed a coalition cabinet with us.

Just as a headache was about to set in, the leader of the CDU, Konrad Adenauer, who had been silent, spoke up.

"What does the Army think?"

The gazes of all hands present turned to Field Marshal Erwin von Witzleben.

The Army would play the most core role in this war, so his opinion would be important.

Witzleben glanced at me before speaking.

"The opinion within the military is to press the attack while we have the momentum, and the Free Russian Army is better to have than not. Even if they're not militarily useful, I believe they'll be helpful for tasks like inducing enemy surrenders or managing them."

Field Marshal Witzleben, you too!

"Ooh…"

There was a positive response from various members of the CDU, and Admiral Canaris smiled with satisfaction.

As I let out a sigh that could have split the earth, Witzleben spoke again.

"However, we have already suffered great damage from underestimating the Soviet Union.

It is self-evident that their resistance will intensify the moment we make the overthrow of the Soviet Union our war goal. Can we bear all those losses?"

The Parliament, which had been indulging in wishful thinking as if the war was already won, fell silent in an instant as if doused with cold water.

I almost shed tears out of gratitude.

As a Junker, he was naturally anti-Slavic and an anti-communist, so even I hadn't expected him to go this far…

"From the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' perspective, the current war plan set by the Ministry of Defense leaves room for peace negotiations. Even if the Soviet Union has no such intention, if we just maintain the status quo, they will eventually have no choice but to end the war. …Otherwise, they will collapse just like we did in the last war."

When Erich Kordt spoke, a few ahems were heard from here and there.

That a nation pushed to its limit would collapse without needing to be pushed into its own territory and finished off was something Germany itself had experienced firsthand.

If they've gone this far for me, I have to step up too.

"If our objective becomes the overthrow of the Soviet Union, there is a concern that they will fight to the very end. We can see just how far a nation fighting a desperate resistance can go, regardless of the difference in national power, by looking at our allies."

Poland and Finland showed the latent power to tenaciously hold out against a Soviet Union that was more than just overwhelming.

The Soviet Union was suffering from the aftermath of the Great Purge, and while we did provide a significant amount of weapons, they ultimately held on because their entire nation waged a desperate resistance.

After hearing my words as well, the Members of Parliament became lukewarm in their reaction.

But Director Canaris was not deterred.

"But our objectives, Ukraine, Belarus, and the Kola Peninsula, are very important territories even by Soviet standards.

Even if we take that land, what guarantee is there that ending the war while leaving them alive won't become the fuse for World War III?"

Ugh, this is certainly a problem I can't guarantee a solution for either.

The deterrent effect of war from nuclear weapons is still a fantasy-like story.

Even if nuclear weapons existed, I know from the 21st century of the original history that they can't deter all wars.

"Therefore, I judge it would be safer to establish a firm pro-German government in Russia, even if it means some blood will be shed. That is all."

Canaris's argument seemed quite persuasive, as the Parliament also appeared to agree.

Damn it, to utilize the skills he's built as the Director of the Abwehr in this way…

Just then, Claudia raised her hand.

"You may speak."

As everyone's eyes focused on her at my father's declaration, Claudia began to speak.

"Pardon me, but I have some doubts as to whether forming a pro-German government would be possible. From the Russians' perspective, who would be more persuasive: a surrenderer trying to overthrow his homeland by bringing in a foreign power, or the General Secretary who, despite starting the war, cries out to protect the motherland?"

Claudia added with a slight smile to the displeased face of Director Canaris.

"The great cause of this war is clearly with the Allied Powers. But does that mean we are also justice to the Russians? That is all."

Having finished her statement, Claudia met my gaze and smiled.

Nice, Claudia.

Not just because she's my wife, she was truly wonderful.

At this point, opinions were divided.

Then, Mr.

Heuss, who had been silent, spoke up.

"How about we first entrust the public security of the occupied territories to Vlasov and his comrades to test their reliability and utility, proceed with the war as originally planned, and then change the war goal depending on the war situation and their performance?"

Mr.

Heuss is, as expected, proposing a compromise.

"…Hmm… That's valid."

Director Canaris looked a little displeased but agreed.

"An excellent compromise. The Ministry of Defense also agrees."

When I agreed as well, the Speaker of the Reichstag, my father, who had been observing until then, curled the corner of his lip and declared.

"It seems we've settled this. Then let's put it to a vote."

---

"That was wonderful support, Vice-Chancellor."

"I merely expressed my opinion as a Member of Parliament, Minister."

As Claudia and I came out after passing the bill and smiled at each other, my aide, Mr.

Berger, who had been waiting, approached.

"Minister."

"Mr. Berger."

"His Majesty the Emperor has invited you, Minister."

"Hm? What is it about?"

"They say the Former Emperor's health has worsened. He requests a consultation on that matter."

"…Ah."

I see.

I don't know the exact date, but I think Wilhelm II died this year in the original history.

For that Mustache Kaiser, this might really be the end.

"You should go, Minister."

As I approached a smiling Claudia, she raised her hand and—thwack—blocked my mouth.

"Not here."

And then I grabbed her hand, pulled it down, and kissed its back.

"Eek-"

Before she could react, I gave her a grin, quickly stepped back, and said.

"A little variation like this is nice too, right? I'll be back, Vice-Chancellor."

A flustered, blushing Claudia.

Now that's a rare sight.

---

May 28, 1941

Northern Germany, near Berlin – Potsdam Sanssouci Palace

Sanssouci Palace, where Frederick the Great once resided.

He had invited Claudia and me to this palace on Christmas Eve.

Wilhelm III was waiting for me, looking unusually impatient.

"Your Majesty."

"Welcome. Vice… no, Minister."

That stiff smile, so unlike him, feels strange.

"I heard the Former Emperor is in critical condition."

"Yes, so I've heard."

Wilhelm III said, a little forlornly, then hesitated for a moment before speaking.

"To you, it might seem contrived that I, who have acted like a cold-blooded man until now, am so shaken."

"Not at all, Your Majesty."

It's not hard to imagine how significant a figure Wilhelm II is to Wilhelm III.

Wilhelm III is, of course, an extremely political man, but he couldn't have been like that from the start.

His personality was forged after witnessing Wilhelm II ruin the Empire, and then being abandoned even by Hitler, in whom he had placed his hopes after the Empire's collapse.

In the first place, Wilhelm II wasn't a very good person, and it's also true that a parent's influence can't be ignored when a person's character becomes twisted.

Wilhelm III stared at me and then smiled bitterly.

"I'm grateful you'd say so, even if it's just words."

"Then for what reason have you sought me, Your Majesty?"

Wilhelm III let out a hollow laugh.

"You're consistent, even in your unwillingness to stay with me for long without business."

"I'm a pretty consistent man, Your Majesty."

Wilhelm III burst out laughing.

"Yes, you were. That includes how you treat your wife…"

Honestly, whenever he brings up Claudia, I get angry thinking of that damn political marriage and mistress talk, but I have enough sense to know he doesn't mean it that way now.

Wilhelm III remained silent for a moment, then spoke.

"My father repeatedly demanded that I visit him in the Netherlands, but I refused."

"That was a wise choice."

Wilhelm III smiled bitterly at my words.

"And now, my father lies on his sickbed, asking for me and for the Chancellor."

The Chancellor.

Does he mean the giant Bismarck, who once led the great German Empire to its zenith but was cast aside by him?

Or does he mean the Chancellor appointed by the new Emperor, his son?

Perhaps it's both.

Wilhelm III hesitated, then spoke.

"You gave me an option. Either I decide my father's treatment, or I entrust the decision regarding the Former Emperor to the people's government."

"I did, Your Majesty."

"I chose the latter, as you requested.

The election was held, and the democratic government you and your people so deeply aspired for was established."

Wilhelm III took a deliberate pause before speaking.

"And so, my father's dream and my own vanished. …Was my decision the right thing for Germany's future?"

"I, at least, am certain it was the right thing."

"But watching you, I felt something.

I wondered if Germany could have become greater had you, as Chancellor, been the one to steer it."

"That might have been the case, Your Majesty."

Wilhelm III's eyes widened, looking a little surprised.

"Unexpected. I didn't think you would say that."

"I too felt a deep sense of regret when I relinquished the power of the Vice-Chancellor. I felt anxiety, too. I had great worry about whether this Germany could stay on the right path without running wild, even with my authority reduced."

Wilhelm III fell silent for a moment, as if savoring my words.

"A nation that moves in perfect order under a capable dictatorship will naturally surpass that of a democracy in temporary efficiency."

"…"

"But that cannot last for eternity, Your Majesty. To maintain dictatorial power, one has no choice but to appoint close aides, and the possibility that all of them will prioritize the nation over self-interest is the same as the possibility of war disappearing from this world. It makes no difference whether the dictator is an emperor or a chancellor."

The Emperor is silent.

"And I, too, ultimately work for the values dear to me. Once, one of my mentors requested that I prevent the execution of a war criminal. For Germany's sake, it was something that should never have been stopped, and I refused."

"Then isn't that unproblematic?"

"Well, would I have made the same decision if that mentor's life had been on the line?"

"…"

What if Richthofen's life was also at stake? Could I have let him die, telling myself it was beneficial for Germany?

What if General Model had refused to surrender to the end and faced the death penalty at a war crimes tribunal, could I have abandoned him?

What if, what if Claudia had to die for Germany's national interest?

I would abandon Germany without hesitation.

Comforting myself by thinking, 'this much should be fine'.

The rule of a patriot, which begins with a pure aspiration for the nation, devolves into the oppression of a dictator as such self-justifications pile up one by one.

"Unless one is a machine that moves only for efficiency, with emotion itself castrated, there is no such thing as a human who can live for the nation forever, Your Majesty. By a stroke of luck, they might devote themselves to the nation until they die. And that great feat, after they are gone, is preserved as a powerful justification for their successors to continue the dictatorship."

"…"

"Therefore, if I may be so bold, Your Majesty, you have made the right choice. The path you have chosen, instead of placing overconfidence in yourself or me, has given the people the opportunity to correct the nation when it starts down the wrong path. It is a great feat that not even the great Frederick the Great could achieve, Your Majesty."

The Emperor gave a bitter smile.

"Yes, I see. In that case, I too wish to demand a choice from you."

"Speak, Your Majesty."

"As the Chancellor once appointed by the Emperor, will you be with the Former Emperor in his final moments?"

"…"

"You are not the Prime Minister who represents Germany, but you are a German politician everyone knows and a symbol of democracy. If it is a burden, you may refuse. But to my father, you are more important than the Prime Minister; you are the Chancellor I personally appointed."

I see.

To Wilhelm II, my father or I, appointed directly by the Emperor, have more right to be a representative than a Prime Minister from a government formed by the people's vote.

The outrageous behavior of him throwing wine at Foreign Minister Erich Kordt, who visited as Germany's representative, was front-page news.

The deliberation was surprisingly short.

"If the Prime Minister, Mr. Heuss, gives his permission, I will go, Your Majesty."

"…Thank you.

I thought you would refuse."

"I am not accepting this as the Vice-Chancellor, a position I have already laid down, Your Majesty. It is a courtesy to the one who gave up his own ambition and returned Germany to its people."

"…"

Claudia said it before.

That you should give even someone you hate a break when they're miserable.

"I am not so cold-hearted as to make a choice that would saddle Your Majesty with a lifetime of guilt.

  • We do not translate / edit.
  • Content is for informational purposes only.
  • Problems with the site & chapters? Write a report.