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Chapter 942: Administrative Reform

Joseph took out a pen and paper, recalling the governmental structures of various nations from his past life, and began to sketch out a plan.

Broadly speaking, the goal was to dismantle the feudal-era "King-Minister" system and replace it with a modern "bureaucratic hierarchy" administrative system.

His pen glided swiftly across the parchment.

"Overview of Administrative Reform: The Cabinet shall no longer consist of individual ministers acting independently. Instead, the King shall appoint one Prime Minister and one Deputy Prime Minister to oversee the daily operations of the French government. The Prime Minister shall report directly to the King."

"The core departments of the Cabinet shall consist of ten major ministries: Finance, Foreign Affairs, Industry, Agriculture, Justice, Commerce, Civil Affairs, Police, Transport, and National Defense."

"Each ministry will be headed by a Minister and a Deputy Minister. Under their jurisdiction, there will be several functional bureaus, which will further branch into divisions and sections."

In truth, the changes to the top-level structure of the Cabinet were not particularly radical.

The Cabinet ministers and their assistants were essentially being rebranded, still handling their previous responsibilities.

The addition of a Ministry of Transport was a proactive move, preparing for the upcoming age of railways.

On the surface, it appeared to be a mere subdivision into more departments with specific officials, but the underlying principles were profound.

"Formal administrative documents, or even legislation, shall define the responsibilities and jurisdictional boundaries of every official."

"Officials must undergo professional training specific to the duties of their office."

"Officials at all levels are employees of the state and must adhere to strict discipline. Offices, supplies, and administrative resources are for public use only and may not be appropriated for private gain."

"Administrative merit and personal competence shall be the sole criteria for promotion, though seniority may be considered to a limited extent."

"All officials shall receive a fixed salary from the government and will be entitled to a pension upon retirement."

To Joseph, these systems were second nature in the twenty-first century. Yet, in an era eighty years before the birth of Max Weber, they represented the absolute pinnacle of administrative theory.

Take the first point, for instance. In modern France, provincial Governors could arbitrarily appoint commissioners to handle specific tasks.

If things went south, they would simply find a convenient scapegoat to take the blame, as no specific position had clearly defined duties.

But that was about to change.

Responsibilities would be codified in formal documents. Whoever held a position was accountable for it. Furthermore, professional training would be a prerequisite for holding office.

Governors would no longer have the freedom to pack the administration with their own cronies at a whim.

Then there was the rule stating that all officials were employees of the state, forbidden from using public resources for private ends.

Currently, a vast number of French officials were essentially the "private retainers" of high-ranking aristocrats. The government did not even have a record of their names.

This allowed high officials to solidify their power base—replacing one man often meant the departure of his entire staff, which would instantly paralyze the administration.

Moreover, many officials operated out of their own private estates.

Issues regarding promotions and salaries shared the same root. For example, a Governor’s private employees naturally looked to him for their pay and advancement. Such a concept was unthinkable for a twenty-first-century government.

Having the government pay everyone's salary might seem like a massive financial burden, but it ensured that officials remained loyal to the state alone.

The resulting boost in efficiency and the reduction in corruption and waste would easily offset the cost of the payroll.

Naturally, such a sweeping transformation would be arduous and face significant opposition.

Joseph estimated that even if they started immediately, it would take a year to eighteen months to fully streamline the administrative system. That would be considered exceptionally fast.

As for the resistance from the bureaucracy—defining their limits, restricting their ability to appoint cronies, and forbidding the use of public resources for private gain—they would undoubtedly oppose it tooth and nail.

Yet, Joseph was confident he could manage it.

Firstly, the refinement of government departments would create many specialized positions, thereby increasing the number of government employees.

This new wave of bureaucrats would surely champion the administrative reforms, serving as a counter-balance to the old guard.

Secondly, even within the existing bureaucracy, mid-to-lower-level officials would likely appreciate the clarity of responsibility and the security of a guaranteed salary.

In the past, they survived on meager "grants" from their superiors, forcing them to scheme and embezzle just to make ends meet.

With Marat leading the Bureau of Fair Investigation in a relentless crusade against corruption, the risks of embezzlement were skyrocketing. Many lower-level officials were desperate for a direct salary increase so they wouldn't have to risk their necks just to live.

Finally, and most importantly, France had just secured a monumental victory in the war, and domestic development was booming. The Royal Family's prestige was at an all-time high.

Who would be foolish enough to rebel now?

If administrative measures did not keep them in line, the judicial system was waiting in the wings.

What if they were so powerful they did not fear the courts?

'Believe it or not,' Joseph mused, 'as long as the Crown Prince gives the word, the army would be fighting each other for the chance to take you down.'

In short, given France’s current climate, as long as Joseph willed it, domestic reforms were practically unstoppable.

Had he been feeling his way through the dark, a single misstep might have sparked domestic dissent.

But he was essentially playing with a cheat code. By referencing the established successes of future generations, he ensured he was always on the right path.

The results of his reforms would only fall between "good" and "exceptional."

This success would make each subsequent step smoother, as public support continued to swell.

As for other nations "copying his homework" once France finished its administrative overhaul, Joseph was not worried.

To copy, one first needed the capacity to do so.

Just because the French old guard was being subdued did not mean the bureaucrats in Austria, Russia, or Prussia would be just as cooperative.

One only had to look at Joseph II's reforms years ago. They had not even been as radical as what France was doing, yet they nearly plunged Austria into chaos, scaring Leopold II into repealing them as soon as he took the throne.

Furthermore, even if other nations managed to replicate the system, France would still benefit.

France would gain immense soft power.

Every nation would recognize France as the "teacher" of governmental reform. If everyone else was copying them, it only served to prove how superior France truly was.

As "students," these nations would inevitably view France with a sense of admiration and respect.

One should never underestimate soft power; it would draw more investment and talent to France than any other nation could hope for.

And those two things were the most vital resources of the Industrial Revolution!

At three o'clock that afternoon, while Joseph was still writing feverishly, he heard Eman’s soft rap on the door.

"Your Highness, I apologize for the interruption, but you are scheduled to meet with the Prince Regent of Denmark in twenty minutes," the butler announced.