Novels online

Chapter 729: Reversing Destiny

Zubov cast a sidelong glance at Mawalofski, saying fiercely:

"I warn you, your actions will bring terrible disaster upon your nation!"

'We are already accustomed to disaster,' Mawalofski said, pushing the truce agreement text forward. 'Russia, who created these disasters, must return every inch of Polish territory. Only then can this treaty be signed. This is a resolution unanimously passed by our parliament.'

'A resolution by the Polish parliament? Haha,' Zubov scoffed, laughing dismissively. 'You are facing three of Europe's most powerful nations. It's not your place to make resolutions here.'

As he spoke, he looked at the Prussian and Austrian negotiation representatives beside him, as if seeking their support.

However, the Prussian Foreign Minister, Friedrichs, merely nodded simply.

Count Rheinfels of Austria looked up at the ceiling and said:

'Hmm, the treaty must be signed as soon as possible.'

Both men had keenly noticed that the Poles were only demanding Russia return territory, without mentioning Prussia or Austria at all.

The Poles' stance was clearly aimed at Russia. This was also easy to understand; after all, it was Russia who had instigated this war, and the Eastern Front was the main theater.

So, why should they stick their necks out for Russia?

Lord Grenville, serving as the "Special Envoy for mediation," did not make any statement at all—Britain's only interest was to win over Prussia and Austria, and weakening Russia was Britain's consistent strategic direction.

Unsurprisingly, the first round of negotiations quickly ended in a deadlock.

At four in the afternoon, after making who-knew-how-many threats, Zubov grumbled and departed the negotiation hall.

Though Mawalofski appeared very firm on the surface, he was extremely uneasy inside, so much so that his hands, hidden beneath the table, trembled ceaselessly.

After all, he was facing powerful nations like Russia, Prussia, and Austria, none of whom Poland could afford to offend.

Moreover, he knew clearly that Poland's national strength was at its limit; if the truce agreement couldn't be signed this time, Poland would inevitably face the danger of collapse.

Yet he still accepted Father Sais's negotiation advice—this French friend's various national policies previously suggested to Poland had all proven to be undeniably correct.

He could only hope it would be the same this time.

After the dinner prepared by the King of Saxony concluded, representatives from each nation returned to their respective rooms.

However, Count Rheinfels' assistant changed into servant's clothes and quietly slipped into Mawalofski's residence.

After a candid discussion, the Austrian, barely concealing his excitement, asked:

'So, the Polish government has no objection to our country's truce conditions?'

'Yes,' Mawalofski nodded. 'Austria and our nation are both Catholic countries, and many civilian volunteers have participated in the Holy War, helping us resist the Russian army. Our nation is willing to make concessions to yours.'

'But as you know, anti-Russian sentiment is extremely high within our country right now, and the parliament must be firm against Russia, or it will face opposition from the entire nation!'

'Yes, yes, I understand completely.'

An hour later, representatives from Prussia, Austria, and Britain gathered in Lord Grenville's room.

'Aside from war reparations and limits on army size, the Poles have largely accepted our conditions. Oh, and they want full control over Gdańsk, but they can guarantee Prussia port usage rights and preferential policies for merchant ships.'

Gdańsk port already conducted business with Eastern European nations, and Prussian merchant ships were a significant source of income, so the Polish government certainly wouldn't object to Prussia using the port.

'Then, the only thing preventing the agreement's signing is Russia's stance.'

Friedrichs nodded. 'Perhaps we can exert some pressure on Russia. To be honest, if Russia hadn't performed so poorly in the war, we wouldn't be here wasting our breath with the Poles.'

Lord Grenville immediately stated, 'We certainly don't need to keep fighting Poland because of Russia.'

Britain was currently the most eager for a quick truce—only when Prussia and Austria withdrew from the Polish battlefield could Britain potentially draw them into a war against France.

At the negotiation meeting the next day, Zubov played the same old tune, declaring that all of Russia's demands must be met.

Unexpectedly, no sooner had he finished speaking than Count Rheinfels interjected, 'I believe we should all show sincerity to end this war, especially Russia.'

'What?'

Friedrichs immediately nodded. 'Our nation is considering relinquishing some rights to Gdańsk, even though our forces are still besieging it. Russia is effectively in the process of withdrawing from Minsk and Mozyr; it seems inappropriate to forcibly demand control of those two places...'

Zubov glared furiously at the two men. 'What are you saying? Russia won this war! And you're asking us to give up our gains!'

Lord Grenville suddenly spoke softly, 'Count Zubov, our country's investments in Donbas have already been affected by the damage to the Crimean ports.'

'...'

Zubov's eyes widened. He felt as though the entire negotiation had turned against him.

After a week of arduous negotiations, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Poland finally reached an agreement on the truce conditions.

Of course, Russia was forced to agree by its three 'allies.'

On March 21st, the Treaty of Dresden was officially signed.

The treaty stipulated that Austria, based on its "actual occupied territories," would receive the central-western regions of Sandomierz.

Prussia, based on its "actual occupied territories," would receive the three provinces of Poznan, Kalisz, and Gniezno. It would also gain the right to jointly use Gdańsk port with Poland.

Russia, based on its "actual occupied territories," received the parts of Minsk and Mozyr located on the east side of the Dnieper River—this portion accounted for less than 15% of the two provinces' total area. In reality, the entire east bank of the Dnieper River was populated by Eastern Orthodox residents; once war broke out, Russia could occupy it almost instantly.

Therefore, the Polish parliament ultimately agreed to relinquish these two small pieces of land—if war with Russia broke out again, Poland could rely on the Dnieper River for defense.

Russia, Prussia, and Austria all failed to notice that Mawalofski insisted on using the term "actual control area" in the treaty.

This was, naturally, a suggestion from Joseph, who had witnessed numerous international disputes in later generations.

Don't underestimate the change in this single term; it transformed Poland's cession of territory into "foreign occupation." Decades or centuries later, if Poland truly had the power to reclaim these areas, this would become a leverage point for disputes.

However, in the eyes of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, as long as they gained territory, these "differences in phrasing" within the text had no real impact.

That afternoon, Mawalofski, with a solemn expression, returned to Warsaw carrying the treaty.

For him, this was undoubtedly a tremendous humiliation for Poland.

However, compared to the historical "Second Partition" which caused Poland to lose 60% of its territory, Poland's losses this time were negligible.

Moreover, through the patriotic war, a tremendous sense of national cohesion emerged throughout Poland, and the achievements of constitutionalism and reform were preserved.

In the future, Poland would break free from its destiny of being constantly partitioned and ultimately destroyed!